Sergeant Frank Allen Tucker

Frank Tucker (347996) was born on January 13, 1914, in the tiny town of Hugo, Oklahoma.

He grew up in the town, living on Ervin Route with his parents, two brothers, and two sisters. He attended school and took his first job in the community, as a mechanic with Babcock Brothers. Eventually, Frank met Ailene Crews, also of Hugo, and the two became close.

Frank Tucker answered his country's call on January 2, 1942. At 27, he was older than many of the other recruits at the Dallas, Texas office, but proved himself quickly during his recruit training at MCRD San Diego. He was assigned to the Weapons platoon of Able Company in the newly formed 24th Marines, with the rank of sergeant. In the fall of 1943, Tucker departed for Hawthorne, Nevada for detached service. It is not clear where he was during this time; there are two Marine bases in Hawthorne - the Hawthorne Naval Ammunition Depot, and El Toro Marine Air Force Base, which had just been established. It is likewise unclear exactly why Tucker was detached - Phil Wood mentions having a great deal of trouble with his platoon NCOs during the period Tucker was gone - but return he did, and with a wedding ring on his finger. Ailene traveled to meet him in Hawthorne, and they were married on November 10, 1943.

Sergeant Tucker shipped out with the 24th Marines in January, 1944. He was 29; several of his commanding officers were five years or more his junior.

A Company landed on the burning beaches of Namur, and Frank Tucker stuck by the side of Lieutenant Wood as they moved the machine guns and mortars of the company through the blasted trees. They fought their way forward, watching their mysterious (and ferocious) Corporal Ervin take on a blockhouse singlehanded before being wounded and ordered off the line. Tucker and the others knew they had to keep moving, and it was the sergeant from Oklahoma who brought the momentum back:

Sgt. Tucker was in a hole on my left – he and [Lt. ] Harry [Reynolds] and [Lt.] Roy [Wood] and two or three from Roy’s platoon and I gave the dugout a barrage of grenades – at a range of ten yards – they were deafening – Tuck and Cpl. Robbins charged first, but were driven back by fire.Then five or six of us went over the edge of the embankment and shot everything that moved....

Phil Wood letter, April 2, 1944

As Phil Wood searched for a runner to set up his mortar section, a dozen men from the company took off running after approximately seventy five fleeing Japanese soldiers, chasing them along the beachline. They crossed a clearing and suddenly found themselves in the middle of a wild firefight, as the Japanese reached a prepared trench and turned on their pursuers. It was growing dark and the Marines were wary of launching a headlong assault against positions that might extend far beyond their knowledge. They had all heard stories of Japanese infiltrators, the dreaded night-time counterattacks, the screaming Gyokusai charge. Nobody wanted to get separated in the dark, yet a hundred yards from their front their friends were pinned. Attempts to cross the clearing were futile, and at least one man went down slammed to the ground under the Japanese fire.

Sergeant Frank Tucker was not content to let his company be cut to pieces. Darkness notwithstanding, he crawled forward until he could see the enemy trench in the moonlight. He hid behind a coconut palm and, as coolly as if he was on the firing range in San Diego, began picking off Japanese soldiers.

It didn't take long for the Japanese to notice where the fire was coming from, and they began a furious fusillade, trying to silence the lone M1 that was causing so much destruction.

Only four of us got out of that trap whole – that any did was Sgt. Tucker’s doing – seeing that they were being methodically slaughtered, he stood up and opened fire with his rifle. As each Jap arose out of the opposing trench to fire, Tucker carefully sighted in and shot him – often, as we found out later, right between the eyes. They think that he killed about 30 Japs that way – he put two enemy machine guns out of action, and gave the others a chance to pull the wounded into nearby shell holes – bullets creased his helmet, punctured his canteen, and cut off his rifle belt, but he didn’t get down until the rest of them were safely in position.

Phil Wood letter, April 2, 1944

A later count of the stacked bodies in the trench nearly confirmed Phil Wood's count: Tucker had personally accounted for thirty-eight Japanese soldiers, many of whom had been killed by a single shot to the head.

For his bravery, Sergeant Tucker received the Navy Cross:

The President of the United States takes pleasure in presenting the Navy Cross to Frank A. Tucker (347996), Sergeant, U.S. Marine Corps, for extraordinary heroism and devotion to duty while serving with Company A, First Battalion, Twenty- Fourth Marines, FOURTH Marine Division, in action against enemy Japanese forces during the invasion of Namur Island, Kwajalein Atoll, on 1 February 1944. When the Forward Echelon of his company was pinned down by the cross fire of enemy machine guns, Sergeant Tucker fearlessly exposed himself to the withering hail which continued to cause heavy casualties among his comrades and, calmly opening fire with his rifle, directed a deadly fusillade against the enemy, killing numerous Japanese. Concerned only for the safety of his comrades, he remained steadfast in his dangerously vulnerable position until the wounded were pulled into nearby shell holes and an adequate defense had been established. By his great personal valor and unwavering devotion to duty throughout this critical engagement, Sergeant Tucker saved the lives of many of his comrades and upheld the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

As the 24th Marines ground towards Saipan, Sergeant Tucker doubtless went about his duties as was expected of a decorated combat veteran. He was promoted to platoon sergeant before the invasion, and as second in command of the platoon, he carried an enormous responsibility along with his trusted M1.

Part of that same responsibility would be his downfall. On the night of June 15 or 16, 1944, as A Company prepared for a long night on Saipan, Tucker went to find Captain Schechter. The Captain needed information on the disposition of the weapons platoon.

That first night we dug in. I don't know how far we were from the beach, but we had made some progress. The sergeant in charge of my weapons platoon, a man named Tucker, crawled over to where I was lying to give me a report on our light machine guns and 60 millimeter mortars. The sergeant - he was from Oklahoma - had won the Navy Cross on Namur in February.

The poor guy had just started to crawl back to his platoon when he caught a full machine gun blast in his stomach. My God, was he riddled! Even today I can see him, literally cut in half.

I used to wonder what the people back home thought when they saw the name of someone they knew on a KIA list. Did they think the corpse looked like the one they'd seen in a funeral parlor back home? Because if they did, they were sadly mistaken.

After the death of Tucker, none of my men moved because our people were apt to fire if they heard even a snapping twig. Tucker had definitely been killed by Japanese fire, which meant that along with their shelling we could expect more small arms fire and probably infiltration.

- Captain Irving Schechter, 1982, quoted in Henry Berry's "Semper Fi, Mac."

Back in the States, Ailene Crewes Tucker gave birth to Wayne Allan Tucker.

Frank Tucker returned to Hugo in June of 1948, four years and one week after his death. The Husonian Democrat ran an obituary rife with errors, among them the account that Tucker had died in a hand-to-hand fight with Japanese soldiers. One hopes that the true horror of his fate was spared his family, the majority of whom were in attendance at his funeral.

He rests in Mount Olivet Cemetery, Hugo, OK. Block 9, Row 17.

[Ailene Tucker remarried several years later, outlived her second husband, and died recently in Hugo, Oklahoma.]

Tools of the Trade Part 2: Crew Serviced Weapons

We had been told before we went in to expect it – that no matter how hopeless the situation, the Japs would always counter-attack, to save face and all that. They did it, but it hit our left, in B Company’s sector, before dawn with wild yelling and all the accoutrements – firecrackers, samurai waving officers who shouted commands in English – B Company was pushed back by the sheer violence of the attack, and they suffered pretty heavy casualties; but their 60mm mortars saved the day – they fired at a perilously close range, but succeeded in breaking up the charge. A damned good weapon – my favorite – if I had enough of them and enough men, I think I could pretty near win this war with them alone.

Phil Wood letter, April 2 1944

Mortars

60mm M2
The M2 60 millimeter mortar was the basic infantry close-support weapon at the company level. Mortars have been used in warfare for many centuries, and while the design has radically changed, the basic idea behind the mortar remains the same. The barrel (or "tube") is set at a steep angle, enabling the mortar to lob shells in a high, arcing trajectory, which makes it extremely useful against fortifications. The basic design for the M2 was bought from a French engineer, Edgar Brandt, and after various tests and improvements in the late 1930s, an initial commission of 1,500 of the weapons was ordered. Like all other armaments, the outbreak of the war led to massive demand, and more than 60,000 M2s would be built - a considerable number by the Firestone Tire & Rubber Company.

Originally, the M2 was served by a crew of five. A corporal would command the team, which consisted of a gunner, an assistant gunner, and two ammunition carriers. When the Corps was reorganized, an additional ammo carrier was added to each team, bringing the total to six. The corporal, usually armed with an M1, would carry the aiming sight when on the move. The gunner carried the entire mortar, which weighed about 45 pounds, and surely seemed heavier when under fire or in the tropical heat. The assistant gunner was responsible for the aiming stakes, and each ammo bearer would carry their rounds either in the M2 ammunition vest or in a heavy bag slung over the shoulder. When the section went into action, the mortars would deploy a short distance behind the front lines (the M2 has a short range of 100 yards and a long effective range of 1000; while it was possible to launch rounds upwards of 2000 yards the smooth bore of the mortar could not guarantee accuracy). The Lieutenant or Section Sergeant in charge of the platoon would move forward to direct the fire of the section and call in adjustments as needed over a sound-power phone. The corporal relayed the instructions to the team; the gunner made the adjustments to the aim and the assistant dropped the round into the tube. Ammo carriers made sure enough rounds were available (rounds came in three types: high explosive, parachute flares, and white phosphorous, though this last was not deployed until late in the war) and if needed could provide fire support with their M1 carbines.

A good mortar crew could fire 18 aimed rounds in a minute; one that was hard-pressed could reach 30-35 rounds. Thus a company facing a serious assault (as B/24, mentioned above) would be able to count on nearly 100 rounds of high explosive per minute delivered to their immediate vicinity. While hindered somewhat in areas with thick tree cover, the 60mm mortar was a valuable addition to the company's armament.

117 60mm M2 Mortars were allocated per division.

81mm M1
The 81mm mortar was the big brother of the M2, and was the heaviest locally available weapon for a Marine battalion. Four were allocated to each battalion; originally they made up part of the weapons company, though after reorganization they were moved to headquarters.

A typical 81mm platoon consisted of four tubes split into two sections. Two lieutenants commanded the platoon, supported by a gunnery sergeant. Each section was commanded by a buck sergeant, and was further divided into squads similar to those used with the 60mm teams. Due to the weight of the mortar (136 pounds when assembled) and the ammunition (between 7 and 10 pounds, depending on type), heavy mortar platoons were issued with handcarts and a Jeep.

These big weapons had the explosive capabilities that equaled 75-105mm howitzers, depending on the round that was used, and were a force to be reckoned with on many a Pacific battlefield. In this picture, Marines from the 24th Regiment train at Camp Pendleton. WW2 Gyrene

36 81mm M1 mortars were allocated per division.

Machine Guns

M1919A4
See entry on Pvt. Cecil Ray Tolley.

302 M1919A4 .30cal MGs were allocated per division.

M1917A1
This heavy (in more ways than one) machine gun was based on a 1901 design by Browning that initially met with a lukewarm response from the Army. After providing two extraordinary demonstrations (three test fires of over 20,000 rounds without mishap - that's nearly 48 minutes worth of continuous fire), the Army adopted the improved Browning as its primary machine gun and dubbed it the Model 1917. Only 1,200 saw action in the First World War, though its handlers pronounced it effective and reliable. The remainder were put into long term storage, and unpacked again in 1941, to be augmented by a further 54,000 built by 1945.

The M1917A1 made up the primary armament of the heavy weapons companies. Originally, a battalion would be able to field 24 of these weapons, but in May 1944 their numbers were reduced to 18 and the crews were redistributed among the rifle companies. Unlike the smaller M1919A4, the M1917A1 was water-cooled, which meant a serious increase in weight. When assembled and with its water cooling jacket filled, this monster of a weapon weighed in at 93 pounds. To offset this weight, each crew was allocated two hand carts, one for towing the gun and one for the ammunition. Due to its weight, the gun was difficult to move and was used mostly in a defensive capacity, but its solid construction and cooling system meant that it was capable of extended fire and less likely to overheat than the air-cooled M1919A4. It was capable of up to 600 rounds per minute and was effective to 1100 yards.

(Top photo: Marine gunners on Cape Gloucester, from the National Archives. Bottom photo: 24th Marines training at Camp Pendleton, USMC Photo.)

162 .30 cal., M1917A1 MGs were allocated per division.

M2HB
This giant gun (65 inches from tip to tail) was most often found on aircraft, heavier tanks, ships, and landing craft. Essentially an upgraded version of Browning's .30 caliber MG, the M2 "Ma Deuce" was originally intended as an aircraft weapon or, conversely, as a mounted anti-aircraft gun. Its weight was prohibitive at first; while the aircraft version was air-cooled, ground versions needed to be water-cooled as they were prone to overheating, which brought their weight to a ponderous 121 pounds. The M2HB - HB stands for Heavy Barrel - was a design modification that allowed for an air-cooled barrel, and despite the new name, the overall weight dropped to a more manageable 84 pounds. It fired a .50 caliber slug at the rate of 450-600 per minute, though the barrel was prone to burning out unless a more conservative rate of fire was used.

Most often, the M2HB was used in either a fixed position or mounted on a vehicle. In rare instances, it would be detached to serve in its originally intended role as a light anti-armor weapon, or retrieved if a vehicle was disabled.

The two pictures here are official USMC shots, and are taken from Jeff Padell's website HQ2/24 USMC. Both show a Ma Deuce in dismounted, portable deployment. Both pictures were taken during the fight for Namur. In the first, notice the destroyed Japanese HQ in the background. In the second, the MG is set up in front of a 37mm M3 anti-tank gun (see below). These men are from a weapons company of the 24th Marines.

161 M2s were allocated per division.

Assault Weapons

2.36 Inch Anti-tank Rocket - Bazooka
The 2.36 Inch Rocket Launcher, dubbed "bazooka" by soldiers in the desert, was another product of the First World War. Initially developed as an antitank device by Dr. Robert Goddard, it was first tested just days before the 1918 armistice. Work on the project was shelved, and attention given to more conventional anti-tank rifles. However, as the 1920s became the 1930s and tank armor grew stronger, the military commissioned a top-secret project to develop the strange looking technological wonder into an effective weapon. The addition of a shaped charge projectile - one that would impact the target and eject a white hot stream of plasma to literally melt through armor plate - made the unorthodox weapon highly effective, and they were issued in secret to Army troops in North Africa in 1942.

The first Marines to receive bazookas belonged to the 1st Corps Experimental Rocket Platoon, who saw action on Bougainville in 1943. They complained that the battery circuit was too delicate, and rocket motors failed in the high humidity. A new version, the M1A1, was developed and sent over - this version featured improved electrics and rocket motors. The new bazooka showed great promise, both in its intended anti-tank capability and for demolishing fortifications.

Towards the end of the war, the M9 Bazooka was introduced. It had been adopted in 1943, but did not arrive in the Pacific until the campaign for Iwo Jima. The M9 featured still better electrics and the capability to be broken down into two sections.

Two men were required to man the bazooka, a gunner who carried the tube, and an assistant gunner, who carried ammunition and connected the electronics prior to firing. Sixteen bazookas were given to each weapons company, and three to each rifle company. No one man was assigned to carry the bazooka; instead, they were part of the Headquarters equipment and were issued as needed at the discretion of the company commander.

172 bazookas were allocated per division.

(PFC Lewis Nalder & PFC Lauren Kahn of K/3/6, 2nd Marine Division, helped repel a Japanese tank attack on Saipan, June 17 1944. They destroyed 2 tanks with their 'zook, then Kahn threw grenades into a third tank. They received the Silver Star and Navy Cross, respectively.)


Flamethrowers
Though not technically requiring a crew, the flamethrower falls squarely into the category of an assault support weapon. Primitive flamethrowers have been around since the Byzantine era (mid 600s), when hand-operated devices were installed on ships to launch streams of Greek fire into enemy sails and rigging. Other nations worked on flame technology as well (the Chinese invented their own version sometime in the 900s; flammable liquids were used in medieval siege warfare), but the idea did not seem to progress much. The first modern flamethrower is credited to the German inventor Richard Fielder in 1901. Portable flamethrowers appeared during the First World War, but their success was hindered somewhat by the dangerous nature of the technology (nobody wanted to be too close to a flamethrower if the tank was hit) and the limited range; a flamethrower could be only be operated safely from a trench, and could spew fire approximately 20 yards. Nevertheless, the tactical and (extraordinary) psychological effects of the weapon were duly noted.

The Americans began developing their own version of the flamethrower in 1940, after observing the effectiveness of new German models against the Dutch. The first models were heavy and unreliable; after considerable modifications the M1 was deployed on Guadalcanal in January 1943. This weapon used a mixture of gasoline and diesel and featured a hydrogen propellant. Fuel burned too rapidly; the operator would have to make his way to a point 10-15 yards from the enemy before having any effect. The Marines noticed also that the flame had a tendency to roll off the target, making heat and smoke but not much damage. With the revolutionary advent of napalm, the flamethrower was revised into the model M1-1, and while this was more effective the weapon was still almost more dangerous to the operator than to the enemy.

The M2, issued in the summer of 1944, featured a better ignition system and a nitrogen-based propellant. This became the standard for all campaigns thereafter. The M2 would burn through a tank in ten to twelve seconds, and had a maximum range of 33 yards. The tank was still very high-profile and heavy (70 pounds when full) and made an extremely attractive target for snipers.

The time I think about the most occurred on Saipan. I was leading my company through a wooded area. I had just climbed a small ridge when I heard a shot. I turned around and saw one of our flamethrowers lying on the ground. He was the man closest to me when the shot rang out. He had been hit in the head.

You see, it was very common for the Jap snipers to wait until we had walked by so they could pick out their target. They frequently would try to knock out the officers if possible. But above all, they wanted the special equipment men, especially the flamethrowers. My God, how they hated those men! If I had not had a flamethrower behind me, the sniper would have gone for the officer. It's as simple as that.

Captain Irving Schechter, 1982, quoted in Henry Berry's "Semper Fi, Mac."

Flamethrowers were most effective when used in combination with other tactics. A favorite method for eliminating Japanese emplacements was called "corkscrew and blowtorch." A BARman would suppress the enemy while a flamethrower crawled up close. After blasting the inside of the fortification with flame (the flamethrower's fuel did not simply burst into fire upon leaving the muzzle; instead it could shoot out several feet before igniting, which enabled the stream to literally bounce off of walls and hit targets not in the line of sight), a third Marine with a few grenades or a satchel charge would race for the entrance, using his high explosive to seal the entrance.

(Flamethrower teams on Iwo Jima, just after refilling their tanks)

No Marine relished having to carry the flamethrower (E. B. Sledge recalls trying to make himself look smaller than he was to avoid having to carry one), though many were very happy to see the results of the terrifying weapon. Flamethrowers were also mounted in specially adapted Sherman tanks, known as "Crocodiles." Marines quickly renamed them "Ronsons" or "Zippos."


Like the bazooka, flamethrowers were kept with headquarters and assigned as needed. The arrival of a brave man with a flamethrower was always welcome, as E. B. Sledge notes in With The Old Breed:

Amid our shouts of appreciation, Womack and his buddy started back to battalion headquarters to await the summons to break a deadlock somewhere else on the battlefield–or lose their lives trying. The job of flamethrower gunner was probably the least desirable of any open to a Marine infantryman. Carrying tanks with about seventy pounds of flammable jellied gasoline through enemy fire over rugged terrain in hot weather to squirt flames into the mouth of a cave or pillbox was an assignment that few survived but all carried out with magnificent courage.

243 "portable" flamethrowers were allocated to each division. The armored component would feature 24 of the specially equipped tanks.

Only one Marine was fortunate enough to have this special accessory - and I don't mean the .45 Colt on his hip:
A touching picture from the 4th Division History.

M3/M3A1 37mm Anti-Tank Gun
The light M3 anti-tank gun was developed in the late 1930s in response to the German PaK 35. Although it was quickly rendered useless against German armor - the comparatively small shells couldn't pierce Panzer armor - it found widespread acceptance in the Pacific, both in its original anti-tank role and as an anti-personnel weapon. Each regimental weapons company received twelve of the 900 pound pieces, divided into three platoons of four guns each.

The capabilities of the 37mm canister rounds were overwhelmingly apparent to men from A Company during the banzai attack on Tinian.

On our second night ashore we took the barbed wire and strung it up in front of the company. I also set up two 37 millimeter guns that could fire canisters when and if the Japs came at us.

They came all right, maybe at about half past two that morning. My company was quite undersized by this time. We were protecting the left flank of the whole bridgehead with about one hundred men.

It was at this time that my barbed wire became invaluable. God, did we pile those Japs up on it!

The Japs would yell "banzai" and my men would yell it right back at them, along with some choice obscenities. The most remarkable thing to me was that every single one of my men stayed put. I don't think one of them broke and ran. I was constantly circulating as best I could among these Marines, trying to keep a lid on things.

Then we did get a lucky break. The shells from those two 37 millimeters were devastating. I think the Japs came at us three different times and after the third charge, those 37s ran out of ammunition. I don't know if we could have stopped another charge without those shells.

Captain Irving Schechter, 1982, quoted in Henry Berry's "Semper Fi, Mac."

Five Marines serviced each gun. A sergeant served as section leader, calling out targets and running the team. The gunner aimed and fired while the assistant gunner loaded the piece. Two assistants shuttled ammunition back and forth, as well as provided physical bracing for the gun while it was firing. Each gun had a Jeep assigned to drag it from point to point.

These Marines are fighting on Saipan. Notice the bullet holes in the shield!

Warrant Officer Ira Davidson, of the 24th Marines, would put a 37mm gun to good use on Iwo Jima. As his citation reads:

The President of the United States takes pleasure in presenting the Navy Cross to Ira Davidson (0-30070), Warrant Officer, U.S. Marine Corps (Reserve), for extraordinary heroism as Leader of a 37-mm. Gun Platoon of Weapons Company, Twenty-Fourth Marines, FOURTH Marine Division, in action against enemy Japanese forces on Iwo Jima, Volcano Islands, 21 February 1945. Observing that no supporting fire other than from infantry could be brought to bear upon six hostile pillboxes and large caliber mortars which were holding up the advance of a rifle company with intense and accurate fire, Warrant Officer Davidson volunteered to place a 37-mm. gun position to fire on the enemy point. Crossing an open strip raked by hostile antitank, small-arms, machine-gun and large caliber mortar fire, he obtained a 37-mm. gun at his platoon assembly area and personally aided in manhandling this gun across the open fire-covered airstrip for a distance of two hundred yards. After placing the gun in position, he directed accurate fire into the pillbox openings, thereby annihilating the enemy and enabling the advance to continue. Although hostile mortars had registered on his position, Warrant Officer Davidson continued to keep his gun firing and succeeded in maintaining support until his fire was masked by the advancing troops. His initiative and courageous devotion to duty in the face of intense enemy fire were in keeping with the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

It was later found that Davidson had landed many of his rounds directly through the firing apertures of the Japanese pillboxes.

36 guns were allocated to each division.


Next up: vehicles.

Tools of the Trade Part 1: Personal Weapons

Only four of us got out of that trap whole – that any did was Sgt. Tucker’s doing – seeing that they were being methodically slaughtered, he stood up and opened fire with his rifle. As each Jap arose out of the opposing trench to fire, Tucker carefully sighted in and shot him – often, as we found out later, right between the eyes. They think that he killed about 30 Japs that way – he put two enemy machine guns out of action, and gave the others a chance to pull the wounded into nearby shell holes – bullets creased his helmet, punctured his canteen, and cut off his rifle belt, but he didn’t get down until the rest of them were safely in position.

Phil Wood letter, April 2, 1944

*NOTE: Divisional allocations of armament are based on the May, 1944 F-series division and are thus slightly different than figures for the 4th Marine Division in the Marshall Islands. The numbers are an official on-paper allocation only and do not reflect the exact numbers of each weapon carried by the 4th Division itself.

The Rifle
Every Marine was expected to be, first and foremost, a rifleman. Rifle training was the centerpiece of the weeks spent in boot camp; the range instructors were considered a breed apart from the shouting DIs who ran each recruit platoon, and the atmosphere during range time was markedly more serious. Whatever the Marine's eventual specialty would be - a radioman, ammo carrier for the mortars, or cook - he was expected to be able to drop everything and acquit himself well with a rifle when the chips were down.

M1903 Springfield

While antiquated when compared to the more famous M1 Garand, the '03 Springfield was still a weapon to be reckoned with in the 1940s. The first prototype appeared in 1900, and subsequent modifications (including the origination of the famous .30-06 round - so named for its caliber and year of creation) resulted in a deadly and accurate rifle; despite its adoption as the primary rifle of the American army, insufficient numbers prevented the '03 from becoming the mainstay of American infantry arms in the First World War (that distinction belongs to the M1917 Enfield).

With the appearance of the M1 in 1936, the five shot bolt-action Springfield was officially rendered obsolete and relegated to match rifle and sniper duties. However, with the threat of war looming in 1941, armories proved incapable of producing enough Garands and the old Springfield machinery was dusted off by Remington and put back into use. The '03 Springfield was the primary rifle of the Marines in the early stages of the war; its stopping power, reliability, and accuracy made it a favorite of the Corps - so much so that some retained their old reliable even when Garands became widely available. It was particularly favored by snipers, and and the M1903A4 was specially developed to fill that role. It proved so successful that some were still being used in the Vietnam War, albeit in small numbers.

M1 Garand
The Garand is the iconic American weapon of the Second World War, and instantly outclassed other standard rifles of its type. While British, German, Russian, and Japanese soldiers were issued with bolt-action rifles, the Garand was semi-automatic, giving it a superior rate of fire. Though plagued by design problems throughout the 1930s (it was delivered as a prototype in 1924 and underwent a series of significant changes before its adoption as the standard in 1937; even then it underwent additional design changes as late as 1940), the M1 reached a production rate of nearly 600 per day by January 1941. The Army was fully equipped with M1s by the outbreak of the conflict, but the Marines were slower to adopt the new weapon, having accepted it as standard in in November, 1941. As booming enlistment numbers created a drain on the available supply, the Marines got the short end of the stick when it came to new equipment; most had to make do with the older '03 or the less than ideal Johnson rifle.

By the time the 24th Marines were activated, sufficient M1s were available to be used in training: the photograph shows two members of the regiment at Camp Pendleton in 1943, clutching their M1s on a field problem. (USMC Photo). No longer would ill-equipped Marines be forced to "borrow" Garands from their Army counterparts.

Besides its high rate of fire, the Garand was known for accuracy, durability, and reloading speed. As the eight shot clip emptied, the clip would automatically eject (making the distinctive *ping*) and the bolt would lock back automatically. The Marine would then slam a new clip into the receiver, thus unlocking the bolt and seating the first round. Many novices failed to get their thumb out of the way before the bolt slammed home; the resulting "M1 Thumb" was a painful lesson, and as Mark Flowers wryly observes, usually only happened once.

The Garand and its variants remained in service through Korea and into Vietnam, though by then it was outclassed by its direct descendant, the M14.

5,436 Garands were allocated per division.

M1 Carbine
The carbine version of the M1 was developed as a cross between the standard M1 service rifle and regular Marine Corps sidearms. Troops in the rear echelons, specialists like those on weapons crews, radiomen, officers, and others who would have been overburdened with a nine and a half pound Garand had had to make do with the M1911 Colt automatic or Thompson submachine gun. The Colt lacked range, and the Thompson was heavy and expensive to produce. An inexpensive yet well-ranged weapon was needed, and after a series of trials in 1941, a design by Winchester was adopted. The design was standardized in October of that year, and mass production began. The first carbines were issued in 1942, most being earmarked for troops in the ETO.

The M1 Carbine was very light, weighing in at less that 5 pounds. This weight made the weapon a hit among combat troops who were already carrying other heavy or cumbersome equipment, like a radio or machine gun. An important point to understand is that the carbine was not intended as a substitute or replacement for the standard M1 Garand service rifle; while the Garand was considered an offensive/assault weapon, the carbine was intended for use in self defense. Due to its small size, the carbine did not pack the punch or of the rifle, and complaints began to filter in about enemy soldiers taking several hits to dispatch (though these reports seem to come more heavily from the ETO, where the targets were generally physically bigger). However, the carbine had an excellent rate of fire and was fed from a 15-round magazine, enabling the trooper, soldier, or Marine to put out a lot of rounds very quickly. The low-powered round lost much of its impact after 200 yards, though recoil was considerably less, meaning that multiple aimed shots were much more possible (though early versions of the carbine did not have decent sights).

Despite the drawbacks, the M1 Carbine was overall a well-received personal weapon with some staunch supporters.

...I went around behind the position, and while they finished off the ones that were there, I waited for any that might retreat – one did, and I shot him as he tried to sneak past me in the undergrowth. I was partly, very dimly conscious that I had killed, but more aware of the satisfying way my little carbine heaved in my hands and coughed up bullets.

Phil Wood letter, April 2, 1944

It would become the most produced small arm in American military history; subcontractors included the Underwood Typewriter Company, Rock-Ola Jukebox company, General Motors, and even IBM.

10,953 M1 Carbines were allocated per division.

Sidearms & Submachine Guns

M1911A1 Pistol
This distinctive semi-automatic pistol was the standard sidearm of American armed forces from the First World War through the early stages of Vietnam. Its origins trace to the late 1890s and the advent of self-loading pistol design. The .45 caliber M1911 was ordered into production as the service revolver of the time, the .38 Long Colt, lacked firepower and durability when used in the Philippine - American War. The pistol was officially adopted by the USMC in 1913. Nearly 1.9 million were produced during the Second World War. The M1911A1 was a common sight in each theater, though due to its limited range it was used primarily for close quarters or last-ditch combat. Many troops who were not issued this pistol acquired one through their own means, whether for additional firepower or simply for effect.

399 .45 Pistols were allocated per division.

Thompson SMG
The famous "Tommy Gun" was born in the mud of the First World War. American General John T. Thompson, noticing the new style of trench warfare, decided that a one-man hand-held machine gun would be the armament breakthrough of the century. His project, officially entitled the "Annihilator" and colloquially known as the "Trench Broom," had most of its design flaws worked out by 1918, but the war had been won by existing weapons before a design could be finalized. The weapon was renamed the "Thompson" in 1919, and was the first weapon to be labeled and sold as a "submachine gun."

The Thompson entered mainstream production in 1921, and originally was made available to civilians (and Prime Ministers), though the high price tag limited sales (the Thompson was an exceptionally well-crafted weapon, and retailed for approximately $225). Not surprisingly, many wound up in the wrong hands, and the Tommy gun gained early notoriety as the weapon of choice for Chicago's leading gangsters. The St. Valentine's Day massacre was the most famous incident involving a Thompson gone astray, and the distinctive looking weapon appeared regularly in gangster films of the day. Thompsons were also issued to US Postal Service guards and several police precincts, and there were moderate international sales as well. The USMC received their first Thompsons in 1922 to protect against mail robberies; the gun won over the Marines in action in the Banana Wars and China.

The Thompson was the only submachine gun officially in use by the United States in 1941. The cost of production meant that supply was slow to catch up with demand. Until a cheaper method could be developed, most of the Marine Corps went into action with the sub-standard Reising SMG. The shortcomings of the Reising became apparent as soon as the weapon was taken to a jungle environment - it was a complicated, poorly-constructed firearm and prone to rusting. As newer variants of the Thompson (as well as additional M1 carbines) appeared, the Reising guns disappeared, often thrown into the jungle by disgusted Marines.

The ultimate stripped-down version of the Thompson, the M1A1, could be produced in half the time of the previous M1928 standard, and at a fraction of the cost. Gone were the distinctive "gangster style" grip and drum barrel; in its place a more Spartan but equally as deadly weapon that remained a favorite throughout the war. Despite the advent of the M3 "Grease Gun" and the gradual withdrawal of Thompsons from active service, a considerable number were used through 1945, and the weapon still crops up in other countries in the modern day.

The Thompson was officially declared obsolete in 1971.

Only 49 Thompsons were allocated per division, though doubtless many who carried them before the reorganization held onto their "trench broom."

Support Weapons

Browning Automatic Rifle

See entry about Corporal Howard Smith.

In this picture from Al Perry's website, Sgt. Michael Freihauf, holding the BAR, poses with Robert Tierney at Camp Maui in the spring of 1944.

853 BARs were allocated per division.












M97 Shotgun
The Winchester M97 12-gauge was a holdover from the First World War, when shotguns proved effective in clearing out trenches. Officially re-designated as "riot guns" in the interwar years, Their effectiveness was somewhat limited by their range and the deflection of shot by undergrowth, but they were a useful tool when repelling a banzai charge or clearing out bunkers.

The Winchester Model 12 was also issued. Each was a pump-action weapon holding five rounds. Because of their design, a strong man could fire the five shots as quickly as if the weapon was a semi-automatic Garand.

Use of these brutal weapons has been documented in every major Pacific island campaign. Interestingly, the shotgun seems to have been deemed useless in the ETO, and its use is almost exclusively Pacific. Other models were used in training for aircraft gunners, or for troops on guard duty.

The Marine on the left is carrying the M97 trench gun; the Marine on the right landed on Okinawa with his M12.

306 12-gauge shotguns were allocated per division.

Training for Saipan

With the big fight for Saipan looming in the next weeks, this is probably a good time to go into a little background on the training that the 24th Marines underwent to prepare for the battle.

(R&R at Camp Maui will be another topic for another time).

The 24th sailed from Namur on February 23, 1944, exactly a month after they departed from San Diego en route to Operation Flintlock. Their experiences in combat weighed heavily on many of the men, as Phil Wood describes:

Well, we left San Diego just a month ago today – and we have now started back - not all the way, but to a rest camp. Rest Camp isn’t exactly and accurate term – more like a prizefighter’s training camp, where you go to put on weight, get back in trim. We need some of that – a lot of new equipment to replace all that was lost or damaged, and a chance to relax the boys’ minds – they’ve been under a tension for a long time now. All they – we - want to do is get back to some safe spot and eat and sleep and loaf in the sun – and see some green hills and foamy cold beer, and see a buxom open-faced country lass.

Phil Wood letter, February 23 1944

The 24th returned to a newly established rest camp on Maui (appropriately, if not imaginatively, named "Camp Maui"). The tired Marines were given a chance to rest, recuperate from their experiences, and in some cases, recover in the hospital. The camp itself was scarcely an ideal living place; the official USMC Monograph for Saipan notes that "...the 4th Division's camp on Maui were incomplete in many respects. Considerable time was necessarily spent making these camps liveable. At Camp Maui, the ubiquitous red clay caused much annoyance. In dry weather, everything was covered with red dust, in wet weather, with red mud." However, from a training standpoint, the conditions were excellent. Camp Maui possessed the only 100-target rifle range in the entire PTO, and artillery crews enjoyed huge amounts of space to practice dropping high explosive rounds on target.

The 4th Marine Division website has an excellent summary of the facilities available for the Marines:

The terrain and beaches of Maui provided excellent and rugged training ground. All the Division's amphibious maneuvers for the Marianas and Iwo Jima operations were held off Maalaea Bay. Haleakala became a super obstacle course and 13-mile hikes through its crater, a challenge to those who thought they had tough leg muscles. A total of 47 training areas, many of them belonging to the Army, were available to the Division. Six areas, consisting of gulches and rough terrain, near the camp, were used for non-tactical maneuvering. On the outskirts of camp, a demolitions area, a live-grenade course, a pistol range, and 1000-inch machine-gun range were set up. Five miles east of camp, in a gulch opening into the sea, was the Division's bazooka area, and along the coast, east of camp for about ten miles, were combat firing ranges which permitted the maneuvering and firing of tanks and halftracks in coordination with the infantry. The Division's 100-target rifle range at Opana Point was also located in this area. Another area in the vicinity was used to train motor transport drivers in the movement of troops and supplies under both day and night conditions of combat.

Army facilities on Maui available to the Division, according to Fourth Division records, "consisted of a jungle training center, a village fighting course, a cave fighting course, and an infiltration course. The fortified jungle position consisted of 22 pillboxes and emplacements well concealed in bamboo groves, under the roots of banyan trees, and in thick undergrowth."

In addition to all this, there was a mortar and artillery impact area, a seacoast artillery range and an antiaircraft firing area. The Maalaea Bay area furnished an antitank moving-target range, a close-combat range, and a 20-point rifle range. The beach at Maalaea Bay was fortified with pillboxes and emplacements modeled after the Tarawa Beach. Inland were two artillery positions and maneuver areas. In the center of the island, near the Puunene Air Station, were, the Division's tank maneuver areas.

Preparations for Operation Forager began shortly after the Division arrived on Maui.

Life here is not bad at all – they call it a rest camp, and strangely enough they almost mean it. We didn’t do anything the first week except get squared away, and now we have a light training schedule – with the emphasis on athletics and recreation.

Phil Wood letter, February 27, 1944

As mentioned before, the Division underwent a reorganization at this time. John C. Chapin, then a Lieutenant leading a rifle platoon in 3/24 and now the historian for the 4th Marine Division, summarized the reorganization in his pamphlet "Breaching the Marianas: The Battle for Saipan."

The training before Saipan was based on a new Table of Reorganization for the Marine divisions. Their sized was reduced by 2,500 men to 17,465. The artillery regiments each lost one of its 75mm pack howitzer battalions, but the infantry retained its previous units. Rifle squads, however, were reorganized to total 13, using three "fire teams" of four men with each team built around a Browning automatic rifle (BAR), a 50 percent increase in the division of this valuable weapon. The number of 60mm mortars in the division table of equipment was similarly expanded, while the number of flamethrowers grew ten-fold. In addition, the tank battalions were able to replace their antiquated light tanks with mediums.

Lt. Chapin also remembered his personal experience:

(These) months were busy, hard-working ones. The replacements that arrived to fill the gaps left by Namur's casualties (in the Kwajalein battle) had to be trained in all the complexities of field work. Most of these replacements were boys fresh from boot camp, and they were ignorant of everything but the barest essentials. Week after week was filled with long marches, field combat problems, live firing, obstacle courses, street fighting, judo, calisthenics, night and day attacks and defenses, etc. There were also lectures on the errors we'd made at Namur. Added emphasis was placed on attacking fortified positions. We worked with demolition charges of dynamite, TNT, and C-2, and with flame throwers till everyone knew them forward and backward.

John C. Chapin, "Breaching the Marianas: The Battle for Saipan."

In addition to the full schedule that Lt. Chapin mentioned, the Marines were also taught a selection of phrases in Japanese - namely, "Hands Up," "Hurry Up," "Come out and we will give you food," and the like. Generally, these lessons were given immediately before the evening movie, which was always well attended.

By March, rules and restrictions were beginning to tighten up.

We missed our liberty, because we failed to pass Col. Hart’s inspection – things are very G.I. around here – I expected a relaxation on that stuff on the theory that all hands are tired, to some extent at least. But Hell no – it’s worse than it ever was. And it’s the petty stuff that I can’t stand. The one thing that makes it positive that I won’t stay in the Corps in peacetime.

That is pretty harsh punishment – it makes it 19 days with no liberty – not that 9 AM to 10 PM is much liberty time anyway, but the boys cry for all they can get, naturally.

Phil Wood letter, March 16, 1944

It’s raining again. It rains fully half the time. I fully expect Jeanne Eagles [sic] to come swinging into the tent – and it rains with a painful regularity every time we go out into the field. And that is no fun, let me tell you – hiking in wet feet – crawling on your belly in ankle deep mud – sleeping in two inches of water, and the mosquitoes.

And when we are not out on maneuvers we are being inspected by Colonels and Generals – and they are never satisfied – we had one liberty day taken away for it. And washing gear and clothes – then trying to get them dry. In fact, the maneuvers are designed to get our gear dirty so that we’ll have something to clean for the next inspection.

Phil Wood letter, March 31, 1944.

Training intensified as March became April.

We were in the field for a long time – we covered many a mile on these dogs of mine – a lot of firing. We’ve been able to get more ammo on here than we ever got back in the States. It’s been a long, tiring session, but nobody minded it too much. We knew we had to get back into condition, and there were a lot of things we had to learn – mistakes we made last time and how to correct them – new angles to suit the different types of fighting we’re going to do next time. The Marine Corps is really damned good on that angle – preparation and careful planning. We rehearsed our methods and attack formula months before we left Pendleton, though we didn’t know it at that time. It’s the kind of foresight that pays dividends.

Phil Wood letter, April 28, 1944

The 24th Marines, in their designation as a diversionary force, skipped some of the assault landing practice required of the 23rd and 25th Marines, and instead participated in boat exercises at the Maui Amphibious Training Center.

As May commenced, individual practice gave way to large unit maneuvers, practice landings, and dress rehearsals for the event itself, and everyone knew that another move was pending.

No sensational news, except that we’ve been doing a lot of work lately. Except for those pretty grim inspections, we had little to do for the first six weeks after we got here, but the last six weeks have been spent getting us back into shape – and we are in good shape now. “Don’t send any more V-Mail, only Air Mail” is all that I’m allowed to say.

Phil Wood letter, May 6, 1944

On May 17, both the 2nd and 4th Divisions launched a full-scale mock assault, replicating the tactics and objectives they would face on Saipan. This was followed on May 19 by a second assault practice which took place under a live Navy bombardment. The general staff felt that the exercises had proceeded wonderfully; however, the junior grade officers were less impressed.

To us in the lower echelons it was just the same old stuff that we'd been doing for a solid year: filing up from compartments below decks to your assigned boat station, going over the side, hurrying down the net to beat the stopwatch, into the heaving LCVP (Landing Craft, Vehicle, Personnel), and away. Then the interminable hours of circling, meanwhile getting wet, hungry and bored. The K rations (in a waxed box) tasted like sawdust; the weather got rougher and rougher. Some of the men got seasick, and all of us were soaking wet and cold.

Finally we headed back to our transport and clambered up the cargo net with a sigh of relief. The next day it was the same thing all over again, except that this time we went ashore. This, too, had an awfully familiar feeling: wading through the surf, getting your only pair of shoes and socks wringing wet, and then onto the beach where all the sand migrated inside your shoes. A series of conflicting and confusing orders flowed down through the chain of command: halt and move on, halt and move on, go here, go there.

John C. Chapin, "Breaching the Marianas: The Battle for Saipan."

The 4th Division set sail at the end of May, crowded onto their LST transports. The Marines were not informed of their target until the ships were safely away; once the name Saipan was mentioned, many must have wondered if they would ever return to the dusty red ground of Camp Maui.



Alva Perry, Robert Fleischauer, Robert Tierney, and "Tojo" - a souvenir of Namur - at Camp Maui.

Fleischauer and Tierney were both wounded on Saipan; the former passed away a few years ago while the latter is one of the surviving members of A Company.

Tojo's ultimate fate is unknown, though one hopes it was better than that of his namesake.










"3rd Squad" on Maui shortly before shipping out to Saipan.

Standing, from left:
Mike Freihauf (KIA Tinian)
Andy Loban (KIA Iwo Jima)
Robert Wynne
Robert McGinnai
Paul Scanlon
Herbert Maurite
Robert Tierney (WIA Saipan)


Seated, from left:
Joseph Wendt
George Marion
Kenneth Grey (KIA Iwo Jima)
Lee Anderson

(The previous pictures are from Al Perry's website.)

Organization

Continuing our trend of general information entries (can one previous entry be considered a "trend?" Perhaps not, but regardless...), today will feature a discussion on the organization of a Marine Corps unit, from the Divisional level on down.

The Division

Of course, our case study will be the 4th Marine Division. Much of this information is coming from Mark Flowers' excellent site, World War Two Gyrene.

The basic Divisional structure of the Marine Corps has remained the same from its inception in March, 1941. Prior to this, the Marines had been organized into units the size of brigades or smaller, but as the 1920s progressed and the lessons of the First World War were digested (and projected over the Pacific with a cautious eye on Japan), it was decided that the brigade level was simply too small a unit to conduct independent operations. The Fleet Marine Force, created in 1933 by Secretary of the Navy Claude Swanson, provided the building blocks for the 1st and 2nd Marine Divisions. Under this new structure, two new brigades were created; one posted to the East Coast and one to the West.

Each Division was composed of three infantry regiments, with one artillery regiment and one tank battalion providing fire support. Further components included headquarters, motor transport, service, pioneer, and medical units, which ensured that each Division was fully capable of operating as a separate entity.

(A quick note on medical support: during World War 2, the USMC did not have its own medical branch. The wounded Marine counted on the aid of a Navy Corpsman who would be attached to his unit, which is why Ryan Philippe's character in "Flags Of Our Fathers" wears Navy dress whites instead of a Marine uniform. On the battlefield, any exchange of fire would usually be followed by cries for "Sailor!" as Japanese soldiers were fond of calling "Corpsman!" in an attempt to lure a luckless American into exposing himself.)

As the Marines gained experience in 1942 and 1943, the divisional structure changed. When the 4th Marine Division was activated on 16th August, 1943, they became part of the third structure, T/O E-100.

(Complete organizational table USMC Operations in WWII, Vol. 2: Isolation of Rabaul)

The 4th Marine Division was composed of the following elements:

23rd Marines (Infantry)
24th Marines (Infantry)
25th Marines (Infantry)

14th Marines (Artillery)

20th Marines (Engineers - from June 1943 to August 1944)

Headquarters Battalion
4th Tank Battalion
4th Engineer Battalion
4th Pioneer Battalion
4th Service Battalion
4th Medical Battalion
4th Motor Transport Battalion

In May, 1944, as the Division rested after the campaign for the Marshall Islands, they were again reorganized and expanded, this time into the F-100 series.

(Complete organizational table USMC Operations in WWII, Vol. 4: Western Pacific Operations)

The 4th Marine Division remained in this configuration through Saipan, Tinian, and Iwo Jima. Other Marine divisions would be reorganized into a further G-series, but fortunately the 4th was out of combat by that time.

Happy Marines aboard CVE Attu, bound for the States at last.

The 4th Marine Division was under the command of Major General Harry Schmidt.


The Regiment
The 24th Marines, as a typical Marine Infantry regiment, was composed of three separate Battalions and Headquarters staff. Their commanding officer was Colonel Franklin A. "Rusty" Hart, until his promotion to Brigadier General (thus becoming the Assistant Division Commander).

Colonel Hart was succeeded by Colonel Walter Jordan, who commanded the regiment at Iwo Jima.

The Battalion
A Marine Corps Battalion was composed of three rifle companies, one Weapons company, and a Headquarters/Staff section. It fell under the command of Lieutenant Colonel. First Battalion, 24th Marines went through several commanders during the War.

- Lt. Colonel Aquilla "Red" Dyess, the Medal of Honor recipient noted below, was killed February 2, 1944.

- Lt. Colonel Maynard "Heinie" Schultz died of wounds received on June 15, 1944 as the Battalion landed on Saipan. Captain Schechter of A Company recalled:

Sometime that first afternoon I received word that we had once again lost a battalion commander. His name was Lieutenant Colonel Nayard Schultz [sic], but we called him Heinie. He was a big guy, from Detroit, I believe. He took a piece of shrapnel in his head. It was a small sliver so it had to hit him in just the right spot to kill him.

Captain Irving Schechter, 1982, quoted in Henry Berry's "Semper Fi, Mac."

- Major Robert Fricke, the Battalion Executive Officer, served as Battalion Commander for a brief two days (June 16-18).

- Lt. Colonel Austin Brunelli, the Regimental Executive Officer, replaced Fricke (reason unknown) and served until July 4, 1944, when he ceded command and returned to his position as XO.

- Lt. Colonel Otto Lessing, previously commanding 3rd Battalion, moved to 1st Battalion on July 4. Lessing was a Marine's officer, and had the safety and best interests of his men at heart, as he demonstrated at his own expense on Tinian. Again, Captain Schechter's account:

Lessing was not only a top officer but he also had an interesting background.

His parents had separated when he was a kid. His mother was an American and his father was a German and an ardent Nazi. As a matter of fact, the senior Lessing was one of Hitler's top censors in Berlin. Maybe this was why Otto tried to be such an outstanding Marine.

At any rate, we had been on the go for seven days, always facing some resistance. We hadn't had any food other than our regular combat rations. I should also point out that we had run into some heavy rain. In short, things were pretty miserable.

Then I received a call from headquarters. I don't want to mention any names, but it was from a pretty high source who claimed he was interested in finding out how my men were.

"Just about done," I told him. "Perhaps it's time to pull them out."

"Oh, we're all shot," he answered. "Why, I have a slight touch of dysentery myself."

Oh, my God, I thought, he's back there on the beach with hot rations, coffee, the whole works and he has a slight case of the runs. Tough.

"Schechter," the ranking officer continued, "I have a bet with someone over in the 2nd Division that we will take Tinian before they do."

Now I was thunderstruck. How the hell could anyone make a bet like that, playing with other people's lives? But our orders were to keep going and we did.

I won't go into details, but a little later I received orders to go into an area that meant certain disaster. I complained to Colonel Lessing, who sympathized with me, and even tried to get a hold put on the orders but was unsuccessful.

I started to execute these orders, but the first three Marines in line were immediately killed. That was enough for me. I had the three bodies put in ponchos and sent word back that I just didn't have the clout to go any further.

Shortly after this Colonel Lessing showed up. He spotted the ponchos.

"Buck," he said, "what's this?"

"Colonel," I answered, "that's the bodies of the first three men who tried to move into the area I told you about. We just don't have to end up putting what's left of my company into ponchos because someone back on the beach is a nut."

So Colonel Lessing picked up the phone and called back to the beach. He was obviously asked how things were going where we were.

"Not so good," he said. "I'm staring at three Marines who are covered with ponchos because of that stupid order I tried to get changed. I hate waste."

That was it. In the movies Colonel Lessing would be a big hero, as he was to me, but in the real world he was relieved of his command. I don't know if he's still alive, but if he is, I'd like him to know I salute him.

Anyway, things like that happened.

Captain Irving Schechter, 1982, quoted in Henry Berry's "Semper Fi, Mac."

- Major Paul Treitel succeeded Lessing. He was a career Marine and had held a commission before the War. Irving Schechter, by now a Major and the battalion's Operations Officer, remembered Treitel as well:

The battalion's commander was an Annapolis graduate named Major Paul Treitel. He was a career man and naturally resented the fact that he hadn't been made lieutenant colonel, the rank his job called for. Regular officers were always more concerned about their rank than reserve officers. After all, they meant to wear the green uniforms when the rest of us became civilians.

As the horrific casualties on Iwo Jima chewed the regiment to pieces, Major Schechter went back to combat command (of his old Company A, though losses reduced the battalion to two ragged companies instead of the usual four). That was not the only change in command structure on March 8, 1945:

It was then that Lieutenant Colonel Brunelli took over command of our battalion; he had been the regiment's executive officer. I can't remember if Paul Treitel was wounded or just used up. Treitel had been in command for sixteen days and very few battalion commanders lasted through the whole campaign.

Captain Irving Schechter, 1982, quoted in Henry Berry's "Semper Fi, Mac."

- Lt. Colonel Austin Brunelli would win the Navy Cross for his actions as Battalion C/O. He had been recently wounded, and just returned to active duty when he assumed command of the battalion. Brunelli saw out the war with 1st Battalion, and went on to become a Brigadier General.

The Company
Company A was one of twelve in the Regiment, and one of four in 1st Battalion. Companies were named Able, Baker, Charlie, Dog, Fox, Easy, Golf, How, Item, King, Love, and Mike. (I've never seen reference to "Jig" company, and believe this to be a carryover from the days when orders were handwritten - American Civil War regiments, for example, never had a "Company J" due to possible confusion with "Company I"). Each Company was commanded by a Captain.

Company A was commanded by Captain Irving Schechter until his promotion to Major and his reassignment to battalion staff. His successor, "a graduate of the Citadel" lasted only a few days on Iwo Jima. Major Schechter resumed command of his mauled Company on March 8, and remained with them for the remainder of the battle.

Rifle companies were composed of three Rifle Platoons and one Weapons Platoon; the Weapons Company would feature detachments of heavy weapons (the 81mm mortar, 37mm anti-tank gun, .50 cal M2 machine gun, etc).

The Platoon
Each Platoon was commanded by a Lieutenant; each contained a series of Squads. At the Platoon level, the reorganization of the E-series (remember that?) was most noticeable.

We have a new organization – I have six squads now instead of four, and three mortars and three machine guns, and forty men instead of 28.

Phil Wood letter, February 1943 (New River, NC)

In company formation we were the fourth platoon, the other three being rifle platoons, all with a Lieutenant as a Platoon Leader. Phil was our Platoon Leader, in fact he was the only one we ever had until he was killed. Prior to coming west we had four squads, three with two machines guns each and a mortar squad of two tubes. While at Pendleton they change [sic] the organization and gave us six squads, we added a gun squad with two more guns and a mortar squad with two additional tubes. Unlike the rifle platoons who worked as a unit, weapons were broken down with a gun squad assigned to each rifle platoon, this was each rifle platoon had it's own automatic weapons in a firefight right there rather than having to call them up. The extra two guns stayed with the Lt. and the tubes at the command center. No matter how we were deployed, Phil was our Lieutenant.

George Smith, personal recollection.

There have been many changes made in our outfit – most of them caused, not by casualties, but by Col. Hart’s belief that we have been too long in our present jobs, and need a change – new faces. Also the fact that Headquarters Washington has changed the organizational setup of a company. What used to be a separate heavy weapons company – heavy machine guns – is now a part of our rifle company – to that new platoon is added my section (3 squads) of light machine guns. And my mortar section has been slightly increased – my command now consists of the mortars, and Company Headquarters personnel. Which suits me fine.

Phil Wood letter, March 3, 1944 (Maui)

Apparently, the notion of a dedicated Weapons Platoon was abandoned after the F-1 reorganization; machine gun and mortar crews were split and became separate entities. Machine guns would be under the command of another Lieutenant, while mortars joined Company HQ.

The Squad
The basic tactical unit of the Marine Corps, the squad consisted of a tightly knit group of warriors. The riflemen of A Company would have trained with the D-1 structure, which called for a 13 man unit, commanded by a Sergeant and assisted by a Corporal. The unrated Marines consisted of two scouts, one rifle grenadier, six riflemen, and one automatic rifleman. However, as combat experience made the need for more firepower all the more evident, the squad was restructured. The E-1 squad consisted of 12 Marines; while they lost a man they gained a second automatic rifle. Riflemen in A Company would have followed this configuration while in combat in the Marshall Islands.

Additional command problems led to the F-1 squad, which proved so effective that it is still in use today.


Official USMC Photo, linked from WW2 Gyrene.
A sergeant leads the squad, equipped with the M1 Rifle. Below him are three corporals, each commanding a fire team of three non-rated Marines. The corporals and two of the three Marines would be armed with the M1; one man per fire team would be allocated a BAR.

Squads could also be augmented at the decision of the company commander to include bazookas, flamethrowers, or demolition teams; often the Marines selected to carry the specialized equipment toted it in addition to their own.

Weapon squads differed as their particular armament required specific crews. For machine guns, A Company would have gone into the Marshalls with three light machine guns (the Browning M1919A4); each was led by a corporal and consisted of a gunner, assistant gunner, and three ammunition carriers. As in the rifle squads, the overall command of the section is the responsibility of a sergeant.


Official USMC Photo, linked from WW2 Gyrene.
When the F-1 modifications rolled around, the number of machine gun squads was doubled, an additional two ammo carriers were added per squad, and the machine guns themselves were split off into a separate platoon, commanded by a Lieutenant.

The 60mm M2 mortar, the other main component of the Marine light weapons platoon, underwent a similar change. The E-1 variant of the squad called for three squads, each led by a corporal, and consisting of two gunners and two ammunition bearers. As with the MGs, a sergeant lead the mortar section.


Official USMC Photo, linked from WW2 Gyrene.
With F-1 changes in effect, the mortar section fell under direct command of a Lieutenant (in A Company's case, this was Phil Wood). Each squad received an additional Marine, bringing the section total to 20 Marines.

Squads were often designated as "First, Second, Third" but were colloquially known by the squad leader's name (IE: one would be in "Quinn's Squad" of X Platoon, Company A, 1st Battalion, 24th Marines, 4th Marine Division).


Below the squad level, individual fire teams and gun crews composed the smallest effective fighting units.

Coming soon: weapons.